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Fig. 1: Pendant with
Figurines, Jinga Chokwe, Angola. Early 20th century.
Wood, string, beads. H: 2 1/2"
Private collection
Fig. 2: The Luchazi/
Chokwe nganga Chipoya manipulating the divination
basket, Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 3: Chipoya's results
Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 4: Divination
Basket, ngombo ya kusekula,
19th or early 20th century.
Fiber, pigment, various
materials.
Private collection.
Fig. 5a (left): Detail of
a Chokwe carved throne showing a divination scene. The
client kneels at left, with the mouth (truth) covered by
a malevolent spirit. The divination basket is in the
center, held by the nganga, who is supported from behind
by an ancestral spirit as well as a bird mask spirit.
Collection of the
Anthropology Museum, Luanda, Angola.
Author's photo.
Fig. 5b (right): Full
view of throne from Fig. 5a. The divination scene is on
the base on the right hand side, out of view in this
image.
Author's photo.
Fig. 6: Female figure
Chokwe, Angola/Zambia. Early 20th century Wood,
pigments. H: 19 3/4"
Private collection.
Fig. 7a (left): The
Luchazi/Chokwe nganga Chipoya Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 7b (right): Basket belonging to Chipoya Zambia,
1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 8a (left): The
Luvale nganga Sasombo Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo
Fig. 8b (right): Basket
belonging to Sasombo Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 9: Shimba and
kangamba: evasiveness and invisibility, symbolized by
the animal pelts attached to the front of the basket.
Author's photo.
Fig. 10: Mbachi/kapeza:
tortoise shells attached to the front of the basket help
the diviner see truth.
Fig. 11a-c: Lunga, pwevo,
and mwana: man, woman, and child
Fig. 12: Mukulu wa kufwa:
the ancestor.
Fig. 13: Mbate:
intercourse.
Fig. 14: Pregnancy or
infertility.
Fig. 15: vagina.
Fig. 16: ulunga: penis.
Fig. 17: Katwambimbi: the
crying hypocrite.
Fig. 18: Kulisukika and
ponde: violent death.
Fig. 19: Mikana: the
burial procession.
Fig. 20: Muloji:
witchcraft.
Fig. 21: Ngoma: the drum.
Fig. 22: Ijila: the
consequential path.
Fig. 23a: Miniature
rifles represent either a kaliloze night gun or a
hunter's weapon.
23b: Full-sized Kaliloze,
Zambia, 1992.
Author's photo.
Fig. 24a: Chikunza figure
used for witchcraft, Angola/Zambia, 19th or early 20th
century.
Fig. 24b:
Chikunza mask figurine.
Fig. 24c: Chikunza
likishi (left), Angola, 19th century.
Photo courtesy of the
Museé Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, Tervuren.
Fig. 24d: Chikunza
likishi Zambia, 1992
Author's photo.
Fig. 25: Lukano bracelet
of inheritance.
Fig. 26: Kaputo kambango:
the beginning
Fig. 27a, b: Likumbi: the
sun (two versions).
Fig. 28: Muvaze: bellows.
Fig. 29: Jimbo: the
aardvark's hoof.
Fig, 30: Chthenge: the
warthog's tooth.
Fig. 31: lusende lua kahi:
ambush and the antelope horn.
Fig. 32: The rooster's
claw.
Fig. 33: Kima: the hand
of the baboon.
Fig. 34: Zuvo: the cocoon.
Fig, 35: Chinyingi: Honeycomb and lies .
Fig. 36: Seed of the
tutelary ancestor.
Fig. 37: Lifuchi: seed of the world.
Fig. 38: Chihandwa: quarrels.
Fig. 39: Muchima: the heart.
Fig. 40: Chihungu: insults and corn cob.
Fig. 41: Spiral root and lies.
Fig. 42: Kakweji: the moon.
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Tupele:
Basket Divination
Symbols of the CHOKWE
MANUEL JORDáN
(from:
TRIBAL: the magazine of tribal arts, Vol. VIII-I,
No. 30. (Spring, 2003), pp. 96-106.)
Among the Chokwe and
related peoples of Angola, the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, and Zambia, divination is viewed as a process
through which individuals with extraordinary experience
and knowledge attempt to find solutions to the problems
of others.(1) A diviner (called tahi or
nganga) aims at creating order out of disorder,
trying to mend what clients may perceive as their torn
situational realities. With the aid of a divination
instrument (ngombo) and a protective/tutelary
ancestral spirit, called hamba kayongo, a diviner
has the capacity to search beyond ordinary human
experience to expose that which is hidden; to recommend
actions towards the resolution of conflicts, and redress
the afflictions of individuals or society in
general.(2)
Cases commonly
mediated by diviners include illness, death, misfortune
or bad luck, impotence or infertility, and theft. Part
of the job of a diviner is to reveal the nature of
affliction, whether it is related to social or
inter‑personal situations, ancestral afflictions known
as mahamba, the influence of witchcraft
(including possession by one or various harmful
creatures), or other. After a cause has been attributed
to the symptoms of a client, a course of action to
redress the source of conflict is stipulated by a
diviner. This may result in treatment with medications,
prescription of amulets in the form of medicinal bundles
or carved figurines to be worn by patients (Fig. 1), the
creation of carved wooden figures for ancestral
veneration, or recommendations on how to change a
client's behavior so as to regain normality and harmony
in life.
One of the best known
types of divination practiced by Chokwe, Lunda,
Lwena/Luvale, Luchazi and others, includes the use of a
basket containing numerous symbolic objects, called
tupele (sing. kapele). Such a divination
basket is called ngombo ya kusekula or ya
chisuka, and the tupele comprise both natural
items, such as rocks, shells, parts of animals, and
vegetal remains, and manufactured objects, such as
pieces of pottery, coins, carved or constructed
artifacts, and figurines.(Fig. 4) The diviner tosses
the tupele in the basket a number of times (Fig. 2) and
interprets the configuration of the pieces that settle
near the front rim.(Fig. 3) The interpretation acquires
its authority from the diviner's reputation and the fact
that, ultimately, the diviner’s tutelary spirit (a
venerable ancestor) has control over the basket (Fig.
5a). Also, because within the basket, the tupele
symbols are openly displayed, allowing the client (and
witness/es) to see evidence of the diviner's
assertions. Basket divination can be a very complex
procedure, made the more challenging when the diviner is
purposely given misinformation by the client as a test
to his abilities. This process of divination may take
anything from a few minutes to hours in duration,
depending on the complexity of a case and how many
people may be involved.(3)
Symbolically, a
divination basket is considered a microcosm of life and
it may be further empowered by means of applied or
attached substances and materials (earths, animal pelts,
supernatural medicines, etc.), meant to enhance the
diviner's abilities to "see" the hidden truth/s of cases
brought to him. Similarly, a diviner may place
implements such as large antelope horns, or carved
figurative representations of ancestors (tuponya;
singular kaponya), in front of the ngombo
to serve as a supernatural "screens of truth" between
the diviner and the clients.(Fig. 6) Whether these
additional implements are used or not, it is the meaning
read and interpreted by the diviner by means of the
configuration/association of tupele symbols
within the basket that constitutes enlightenment over
matters previously disguised for the diviner and client
in one form or another.
Ascribing meaning to
a kapele outside the context of a specific
divination case is problematic, since tupele are
semantically flexible, their significance varying
according to the symbols that have come to rest next to
them, to their physical orientation at the basket’s rim,
and to the particularities of the matter in hand.
However, certain general associations do seem to exist
and some diviners are willing to provide interpretations
regarding the symbolism of divination baskets and tupele
materials and artifacts. Anthropomorphic figurines, for
instance, are generally explained as representing a man,
a woman, and a child.(Fig. 6) A kapele combining
three such figures represents a family unit. Other
figures may indicate a victim of wrongdoing, someone who
has suffered a violent death, a “crying hypocrite,” a
venerable ancestor, and so forth. Manufactured and
imported items, such as coins, pieces of pottery, and
shells, may relate to theft, to a person's unwillingness
to share wealth, or even to a form of “infection”
acquired from contact with, or proximity to, foreign
people or things. Parts of animals complement other
symbols in identifying problems related to hunting,
represent creatures of witchcraft, or embody a warning,
like the howl of a dog. Several items, including a
rooster’s claw, a metal ring, miniature masks, and
bellows, may indicate that a problem derives from
ancestral affliction.
The remainder of this
essay includes some tupele interpretations based on
information provided by Zambian diviners, Mr. Chipoya
(Fig. 7a&b) and Mr. Chitonji Chinyama Sasombo (Fig.
8a&b).(4) Both diviners used divination baskets for
many years to mediate the problems of individuals in
their respective communities and beyond. This material
is presented as "raw data" to complement tupele
definitions provided by scholars such as Rodrigues de
Areia (1985) who has provided the most comprehensive
account of such divination symbols.(5)
Ngombo ya
Kusekula: Added Parts
Shimba and
kangamba: evasiveness and invisibility (Fig. 9)
Both, Mr. Chipoya and
Mr. Sasombo, provided similar explanations to the animal
pelts commonly attached by diviners at the front of
their divination baskets. Mr. Chipoya explained that
pelts from the genet (shimba) and the white‑naped
weasel (kangamba), represent the agility of
nocturnal animals that are "hard to see and catch
because they are so fast." The animal metaphors were
used to reflect the abilities of a diviner to grasp that
which is evasive by nature while reflecting his
capability of escaping the influence of wanga or
evil.
Mr. Sasombo’s
ngombo included the animal furs of three different
animals; two belonged to white‑naped weasels, one from a
genet, and another from a striped mongoose (musaji).
They were explained in relation to visibility and
invisibility or the diviner's ability to see what was
hidden from him while being able to hide from evil.
Sasombo stressed the significance of the weasel pelts
because the powerful smell these animal use to protect
themselves, also "serves to ward‑off witches and other
bad influences."
Mbachi/kapeza:
the tortoise shells (Fig. 10)
Mr. Chipoya explained
in detail the significance of two tortoise shells that
are often found attached to the front of divination
baskets above the animal pelts. The diviner explained
that the word for tortoise is mbaci (also
kapeza), and that the animal shells are attached to
the ngombo for the diviner's protection and to
aid in his ability to see what is hidden from him. By
looking inside the tortoises' shells the nganga can see
"images" about whether a patient is going to die or
survive an affliction.(6)
To activate the power
of the tortoises' shells, special "medicines" or
vitumbo need to be placed within them. One shell has
the eyes of a domestic cat within it, and those of a mad
dog are placed inside the other. Mr. Chipoya explained
that the eyes of the cat are important because during
the day the pupils of a cat's eyes are small "like a
line," but at night they become wide open (dilated),
enabling it "to see in the darkness like a lion going on
a hunt." He added that at night, a cat's eyes shine
like a flash light. The cat's eyes therefore help the
diviner see what witches (evildoers) are doing in the
darkness beyond what the common human eye can perceive.
Mr. Chipoya also mentioned that whereas the genet and
weasel pelts helped diviners see what happens outside
the village, domestic cats are important because they
stay within the village and therefore help diviners know
what is going on within that context.
Mr. Chipoya explained
that dogs have the same ability as cats to see witches
and the spirits of dead people if they are moving around
the village at night. Humans are sleeping during the
evening but dogs may begin howling and when people go
outside their huts they will not see anything but the
dogs will continue to howl. This means that something is
moving "in invisible ways" and the dogs can see it. Mr.
Chipoya said that the mad dog's eyes within the tortoise
shell work in conjunction with a rooster's heart the
diviner had to swallow during his initiation. He
explained that the diviner's and the rooster's heart
become one and the same. If the diviner sees something
negative in the images within the tortoise shell his
heart becomes "crazy," like the mad dog, and it starts
making noises which means the diviner is aware of the
hidden agenda of those with evil intentions.
Tupele
Carved Wooden
Pieces
Lunga,
pwevo, and mwana: man, woman, and child (Fig.
11a, b, c)
Mr. Chipoya explained
that two anthropomorphic figurines in his basket relate
to the gender of the victim or to that of the person
generating the affliction; according to what questions
are being presented to the ngombo. Lunga is a man
whereas pwevo represents a woman. The female
figure is usually thinner or smaller than the male
figure. A smaller figurine called mwana
represents a baby, a young boy, or a girl. This means a
child is involved in the conflict.(7)
Mr. Sasombo similarly
mentioned that the three anthropomorphic figures in his
ngombo represent a man, a woman, and a child. He
added that these help him figure out the age and gender
of victims or of those who are the source of conflict.
Mukulu wa kufwa:
the ancestor (Fig. 12)
Mr. Chipoya said that
another anthropomorphic figurine in a "sitting" position
with elbows on its lap and hands holding its chin, is
associated with a lihamba (singular for
mahamba) or ancestor.(8) Mr. Chipoya called it
mukulu wa kufwa or spirit of a dead relative. He
added that in divination the figure speaks for an
ancestor who wishes the person afflicted with mahamba
(also an ancestral affliction) to follow the ancestor's
profession during his or her lifetime. If the ancestor
was a makishi (masked ancestral character) dancer
then the patient should follow the ancestor's footsteps.
In the case of a woman having a baby, the ancestor may
wish for the baby to be named with the ancestor's name.
In general, the ancestral spirit may just want
recognition, in which case Mr. Chipoya said that
kukombelela had to be practiced to honor the spirit
by making offerings of cassava flour (white) at a
muyombo tree, a termite mound, or in front of the
oldest house in the village.(9) The whole family needs
to be present to invoke the ancestor by name, mentioning
whatever caused his or her death before asking for the
spirit to "please do not trouble the family anymore," in
exchange for their attention to the ancestor's needs.
Mbate:
intercourse (Fig. 13)
To Mr. Chipoya,
mbate is represented by two figurines, male and
female, joined at the middle imitating the act of sex.
In divination, if mbate shows next to a piece
constructed from small pieces of reed or vikotikoti,
it means that the client or the client's wife would give
birth to twins or bapama.(10) He directly
associated the vikotikoti piece with an ancestor
who will cause the birth of twins and requires that the
mother remains with the twins inside a small hut until
the twins begin to walk. This practice ensures the
ancestral protection of twins.
Pregnancy or
infertility (Fig. 14)
Mr. Chipoya explained
a carved figurine with additive substances on the
abdomen as a pregnant woman and it indicates problems
with pregnancy. A small piece, carved from a gourd
fragment, represents a vagina and may relate to female
infertility. He added that a miniature carved
representation of a penis, ulunga, relates to
male fertility problems.
Jinga (Fig. 1)
Mr. Sasombo
identified a group of three figurines carved from one
piece of wood as jinga. The central figure
represents Chikunza, the likishi (ancestral mask
character) with a tall conical head superstructure,
flanked by two anthropomorphic figurines. This kapele
means that a female client is suffering from infertility
and that a replica of the jinga kapele needs to
be worn as a pendant so that she can bear children. This
piece has ancestral connotations because Mr. Sasombo
explained that the mother or grandmother of the patient
once wore jinga for fertility. The patient
similarly has to wear jinga if she wants to
become pregnant.(11)
Katwambimbi:
the crying hypocrite (Fig. 17)
Katwambimbi is
a carved wooden figurine with arms raised on its sides
bending at the elbows and touching both sides of its
face in a gesture of sorrow. Mr. Chipoya explained that
katwambimbi is a person who cries profusely over
a person's death but in fact it was "her" who caused the
death. Katwambimbi is therefore a killer and
trickster and only diviners are able to distinguish this
type of deceitful individual. Mr. Sasombo described a
similar kapele as a woman crying because of
someone's death.
Kulisukika and
ponde: violent death (Fig. 18)
Mr. Chipoya explained
that a half anthropomorphic figure (without a torso) is
called kulisukika, the word for suicide or
somebody who has died a violent or horrible death. A
similar piece in Mr. Sasombo's basket was identified as
ponde, a decapitated anthropomorphic figurine
that illustrates a violent death for a victim. The piece
may relate to an accident, or to premeditated murder.
Mr. Sasombo added a plastic toy soldier to his ngombo to
indicate a violent death related to the war in Angola.
The kapele also presents the possibility of a
victim being infected by "medicines" while on a trip
through areas plagued by war, or an affliction generated
by an ancestor who once was a soldier and died fighting.
Mikana: the
burial procession (Fig. 19)
A group of people
carrying a dead person to a cemetery for burial is
represented by mikana. The kapele is a
carved wooden piece, elongated in shape and with small
projecting parts representing the group of people. Mr.
Chipoya said that if mikana shows up at the front
rim of a divination basket it means imminent death for
the person afflicted.
To Mr. Sasombo,
mikana represents a group of people carrying someone
to the grave which means the victim is already dead.
Muloji:
witchcraft (Fig. 20)
Mr. Chipoya described
muloji, the witch/witchcraft kapele, as
another anthropomorphic figurine with its head totally
covered with "medicines" or vitumbo.(12)
Muloji suggests that a person is being affected by
someone else's witchcraft. Mr. Chipoya explained that
the difference between muloji and katwambimbi
is that muloji means a person is suffering from
witchcraft whereas katwambimbi is the individual
who causes it.
Ngoma: the
drum (Fig. 21)
Ngoma is a miniature
representation of a drum which usually means that "mahamba
drums" need to be played all night to resolve an
ancestral affliction.(13) The tip of a gourd cut to
resemble a small container also signifies healing
procedures because it indicates that a gourd of beer has
to be distributed and consumed by people in the early
morning after beating healing drums.
Ijila: the
consequential path (Fig. 22)
According to Mr.
Chipoya, a miniature representation of a canoe indicates
ijila; considered a path, a road or a trip which
means that the patient became ill far away from home
possibly during travel to or from a different location.
Mr. Sasombo explained
the same kapele as a path or a road, meaning that
a person was on a trip and walked on a place where
"medicines" had been placed. The traveler was "infected"
by those substances and is now very ill because of
them.(14)
Found or
Manufactured Pieces
Kaliloze: the
night gun (Fig. 23a, b)
According to Mr.
Chipoya, a miniature rifle is a negative symbol for it
represents a "night gun," called kaliloze or
uta wa ufuku. The weapon is made from human bones
collected by witches at the graveyards and in the
ngombo it signifies the patient has been shot with
one of its bullets. Exorcism (kanenga) is not
necessary for treating kaliloze but rather the
use of an antelope horn is employed as a suction cup on
a small incision to pull out these "bullets."(15) A
rooster's bone within the basket means that a close
relative of a victim is responsible for trying to kill
him or her. With kaliloze, the rooster bone means that
the patient's father, mother, or grandparents have used
the "night gun" to kill their relative or the victim.
Munguli: the
hyena (visible in Fig. 2)
Munguli the
hyena and another kapele, called kahwehwe,
represent creatures sent by witches to kill their
victims. Kahwehwe takes a more abstract form of
representation than munguli as it is supposed to
resemble "an animal that walks upside down." In Mr.
Chipoya's basket munguli is a root which
resembles the shape of the animal although he said that
carved versions of the creature are included in other
diviners' baskets. Mr. Chipoya explained that hyenas
walk in an awkward way, they go in one direction but
their faces are looking backwards as if the animal was
going two ways at the same time. He says that this is a
trick of the animal and so witches sent hyena‑like
creatures to harm their victims by totally confusing
them.
Mr. Chipoya added
that although the creature resembles a hyena it could
also be a lion creature, tambwe, ndumba or
mwendumba. The piece may also relate to killing
through makishi (masks) by means of their
negative manipulation by witches. In that case figurines
of Katotola, Mupala, Mwendumba or Chikunza makishi
may be created and activated to eat the life of a
victim.(Fig. 20) Afflicted individuals usually "dream
makishi" while asleep and get very ill. These are
generally called ndumba ya mutwe (ndumba
means lion and mutwe head) because they get
inside the heads of victims. Mr. Chipoya said that this
was very complicated and only diviners could identify
the particular creature. Furthermore, he added that the
affliction suggested by these two pieces may be related
to that of an ancestor and not of witchcraft. If the
tupele configuration presented objects signifying
ancestral influence next to either one of these two
pieces, then the illness was related to a displeased
ancestor who decided to take one of these forms (lion,
hyena or makishi).
To Mr. Sasombo, a
small bundle of substances held together by pieces of
reed represents munguli. To him the item means
that a patient is afflicted by vandumba or
mumbwe. Mr. Sasombo made the same associations Mr.
Chipoya had made when discussing the "hyena" which could
also afflict as a "lion" or a masked character. An
animal claw with glutinous substances is another version
of ndumba ya vatu.(16)
Lukano:
bracelet of inheritance (Fig. 25)
Mr. Sasombo included
two metal rings within his ngombo as tupele.
The larger one was described as lukano, a
miniature bracelet which relates to succession or the
inheritance of an ancestor's profession. The smaller
one, called unengu, was explained by Sasombo as a
kapele indicating that a victim was being afflicted by
someone within his or her family.
Chimbi ya kusemuka:
the beautiful shell and jealousy
Chimbi ya kusemuka,
a small ball of glutinous materials with an embedded
shell, was interpreted by Mr. Chipoya as a symbol of
jealousy between brothers and sisters. Pashi
means shell and these are considered beautiful pieces
often used for decoration to signify status and wealth.
The piece then indicates a person is trying to harm
someone in the family because he or she does not have
the material wealth of the other.
Mr. Sasombo explained
that shells indicate jealousy or theft and are often
related to insults between relatives. He added that
shells are shiny and beautiful, considered money or
valuable items and therefore wanted by everyone. Shells
relate to material wealth which can be stolen or become
the source of jealousy between friends.
Poko and
majiko: the knife and the funeral fires
Poko is a
miniature knife associated with witchcraft by Mr.
Chipoya. Majiko are fires, represented in the
form of a carved stick with a row of consecutive round
blackened segments. According to Mr. Chipoya, the piece
indicates that a group of people have insulted each
other while sitting around a fire. Majiko relates
to funeral fires and another kapele called
musongo means that a client has gotten ill after
attending a funeral and sitting at one of these fires
(if the kapele is adjacent to majiko). Musongo
is a small wooden piece carved round, to look like a
"heart" with three incised sections. The majiko
kapele was described by Mr. Sasombo as funeral
fires, meaning that the patient was close to his or her
death.
Nguto: the
spoon
A spoon in Mr.
Sasombo's basket is called nguto and it tells a
woman that when she has a baby medicines have to be
given orally with a spoon.(17)
Kaputo kambango:
the beginning (Fig. 26)
Mr. Sasombo explained
a very small spiral basketry piece as one that imitates
the beginning of the construction of a divination
basket.(18) It is called kaputu kambango, and
means "the beginning of something" or the process of
starting at one point and reaching a specific point,
including the time it took to reach that stage. In
divination, it tells the diviner that the illness is at
an advanced stage.
Kusefuka cha
vimbulu: problems that multiply
According to Mr.
Sasombo, a small, flat, and rounded segment from the
bottom of a gourd with "warts" relates to kusefuka
cha vimbulu kuiza nge kuhema, similar to scabies
because you first have a spot, you scratch it and the
illness increases.
Likumbi: the
sun (Fig. 27a, b)
A common shirt
button, called likumbi, was originally added to
the ngombo by Mr. Sasombo to indicate the specific time
when an affliction started. Likumbi is the sun or
a day's time. Some diviners attached four such buttons
(representing cardinal points) on a round piece of
leather to represent likumbi.
Ngoji ya kusemuka:
wrapper and babies
Mr. Chipoya explained
a piece of cloth wrapped in tubular fashion as ngoji
ya kusemuka, a kapele resembling the cloth in
which women wrap their children and carry them. This,
Mr. Chipoya explained, is related to the afflictions of
babies.
Woven piece and
hunter's tooth
A small, flat and
round piece of woven fibers was identified by Mr.
Chipoya as the tooth of a hunter, meaning that a patient
is being "attacked" by the spirit of a hunter who died
in the bush.(19) Mr. Chipoya explained that after the
hunter dies the lihamba goes into a victim's body
by "biting" the person. This means an ancestral spirit
wishes the victim to take over his profession as a
hunter. Suction horns need to be used to pull out the
hunter's tooth.
Muvaze:
bellows (Fig. 28)
Mr. Chipoya explained
that a miniature version of a blacksmith's bellows,
called muvaze, means that an ancestor wants a
surviving relative to become a blacksmith. The
affliction results in the victim having lung problems
and shortness of breath, similar to the bellows which
have to blow air to keep a fire going.
Animal and Insect
Parts
Jimbo: the
aardvark's hoof (Fig. 29)
Mr. Chipoya explained
that an aardvark's hoof (jimbo) indicates that a
patient has been suffering from an affliction for a long
time. The diviner added that the aardvark acts like a
witch and can actually be one because the animal digs
holes in graveyards, moves at night, lives underground,
and it is very hard for people to see (invisibility).
If the hoof appears beside the image of katwambimbi,
the person will die for sure.(20)
Antelope horn and the
eyes of death
A small antelope horn
with glutinous materials binding red seeds with "powders
from the graves and other medicines," signifies that the
individual "witching" a victim is a man. Mr. Chipoya
said that the red seeds are from a plant called
kenyenge, and that these represent the eyes of
witchcraft, evil (wanga) or death (kufwa).
To Mr. Sasombo, the kapele means that the victim is
afflicted by one of the creatures of witchcraft.(21)
Chihenge: the
warthog's tooth (Fig. 30)
A person accused of
harming through witchcraft may have agreed he is guilty
but according to Mr. Chipoya, a warthog's tooth (chihenge)
kapele indicates that there were others involved.
Mr. Chipoya explained that warthogs always travel in
groups with a leader protecting those of its kind, and
so do witches. Mr. Sasombo provided a similar
explanation saying chihenge is a piece
indicating that although a person has been accused of
witchcraft there are others involved who have not been
identified.
Lusende lua kahi:
ambush and the antelope horn (Fig. 31)
An antelope horn,
lusende lua kahi, was explained by Mr. Chipoya as a
representation of entrapment through witchcraft. The
antelope had been trapped with wires or other techniques
and so the victim was being ambushed by witches. Another
antelope horn in the basket had to be collected from an
animal that suffered a natural death in the bush and not
one killed by hunters or trappers. He explained that
this was important because the other horn meant that a
victim had died but not because of witchcraft. This
implies a natural death as opposed to one caused. The
horns collected after the death of the two antelopes,
one dying a natural death and one killed after
entrapment, were symbolically associated with the cause
of human death, natural or premeditated.
Likuma:
insults and the antelope horn
To Mr. Chipoya, a
duiker's horn with perforations is called likuma
and it means a person is ill but it is his or her own
fault for insulting others in the community. Every hole
in the horn is an insult towards the victim's neighbors.
The person is then responsible for his or her own
actions, it is nobody else's fault.
Mr. Sasombo said that
a duiker's horn with holes on its base is called mazu
vituvituvi or "piercing words" which means there is
"too much talking and too many insults." The holes
represent all the insulting words that have been
said.(22)
Ndua nganga:
the touraco and bullet of witchcraft
Red feathers from the
head of a touraco or ndua nganga were added by
Mr. Chipoya to his basket after witches sent a "night
gun" bullet to kill him disguised as the bird's head.
Mr. Chipoya says he knew it was coming and managed to
grab it from the air before it hit him. Mr. Chipoya
decided to add it to his ngombo to illustrate his
power as a diviner and to signify the possibility of
death through witchcraft.
The rooster's claw
(Fig. 32)
The rooster claw
within Mr. Chipoya's basket (or a rooster’s leg) is the
one he had to bite off a rooster during his initiation
into divination. He explained that the piece meant a
rooster had to be used during healing rituals for a
patient where if the rooster died so would the client.
Roosters are used during a ritual splashing of liquid
medicines on patients using bundles of leaves called
kukupula. A rooster's head is initially dipped into
the bucket containing the medicinal waters, and holding
the rooster by its legs, the diviner analyzes the
animals reaction and head direction as it is pointed
towards the east (sunrise). This will tell the diviner
whether the client will survive treatment or not.
Kima: the hand
of the baboon
Mr. Chipoya
identified a kapele in the form of a dried baboon
hand as indicative of witchcraft. He said that a victim
is grabbed by the hand of witchcraft in the same way
baboons grab with their hands and do not let go.
To Mr. Sasombo the
hand of a baboon is called kima and it means that
a victim is under threat of death from someone within
his or her family. Mr. Sasombo explained that baboons
are like humans in that they keep together in family
units. The baboon's hand "grabs" the life of an
afflicted person.
Musevu: the
monitor lizard
Mr. Sasombo explained
the jaws of a monitor lizard, called musevu, in
relation to a person who promises something and then
changes his or her mind. It has to do with not trusting
someone because he or she (like the lizard) is
inconsistent and therefore suspicious in behavior.
Pungu: the fin
of the tiger fish
Mr. Sasombo explained
the dried up fin of a "tiger fish" as pungu,
meaning that a person suspected of being a witch is
found to be innocent by the diviner.
Zuvo: the
cocoon (Fig. 34)
Mr. Chipoya explained
that zuvo is a cocoon which represents a house
and means that the patient became ill at home. Zuvo
is related to nkunka, the local name for cocoon,
also associated to a small conical hut made from grass
where young female initiates or miali (plural for
mwali) remain in temporary seclusion as part of
their initiation.
Chinyingi:
Honeycomb and lies (Fig. 35)
To Mr. Chipoya, a
piece of honey comb serves as proof that the diviner's
assertions are true if a client has been denying his
statements. The holes on the honeycomb, like holes in
other tupele, indicate words said.
The same piece in Mr.
Sasombo's basket also indicates that his statements
about a particular problem are true. The kapele is
called chinyingi and it relates to the diviner's
ability to discern between truth and lies. He mentioned
that a client may deny his assertions but if this
kapele shows next in divination it means that what
he had previously said was true and the client is hiding
information or trying to confuse him. A related
kapele is mandamba a small handwoven basketry
piece made from vegetal fibers. Mandamba
indicates that a client is complaining about problems
but it is he or she who is responsible for them.
Vegetal Matter
Seed of the tutelary
ancestor (Fig. 36)
A strobile or
fruit/seed of a coniferous tree represents Mr. Chipoya's
hamba kayongo or protective/tutelary ancestral
spirit of divination. The diviner said that he was the
shell while the seed inside "which shook like a rattle"
signified the spirit that aided him "to see" in
divination. The diviner stated that his hamba
kayongo was his father (actually maternal uncle)
named Sakanengo. A hole atop the piece allowed the
lihamba to breathe.
Mr. Sasombo provided
a contrasting explanation to the same piece. He called
it livale and said it meant that somebody was
"hiding something." This because within the shell of the
piece there is a loose seed which is concealed. For Mr.
Sasombo, his hamba kayongo was represented by the
tip of a gourd with incised striations. He explained
that in divination it could mean that a client was
suffering from an ancestral affliction which required
that he or she became a diviner. The gourd meant that
beer had to be brewed for the occasion and served in
containers made from gourds. The kapele could
also mean a general type of ancestral affliction or case
of mahamba.
Lifuchi: seed
of the world (Fig. 37)
Lifuchi is a
large, round and flat seed which represents "the whole
world." Mr. Chipoya said that he had collected the seed
"from the Mwata Yamvo" in Zaire (Democratic Republic of
the Congo) although trees with that same seed are found
locally. Lifuchi refers to the power of chiefs
over all things and the ability of diviners to "see it
all." The seed tells a diviner "if things are in order"
in a larger than local context. Mr. Sasombo explained
lifuchi is a flat and round seed which represents
"the world" and helps "see things far away."
Ufuku: night
A round and dark
piece in the basket represents ufuku or the
night. Mr. Chipoya said that to find ufuku he had
to dig at the foot of a mukusakusa or muavava
tree and splash medicines or sopo. After digging
and splashing three times he found ufuku next to the
roots. The piece means that the patient got ill as the
result of bad dreams usually related to creatures sent
by witches.
Mr. Sasombo
identified a dark piece of glass in his basket as
ufuku or the night. He called a clear piece of
glass masoji, or tears, which means "someone is
crying because of death and funerals."
Chihandwa:
quarrels (Fig. 38)
Chihandwa is a
seed that looks like a "bicycle seat" with an obvious
line dividing it in half. It signifies conflicts
dividing families on different sides of an argument or
what he called "quarrels." The line represents the
tension between the two parts.
Mr. Sasombo
identified the same seed differently, as chipango.
Chipango is the name of the small hut or wooden
structure where offerings to the ancestors are made.
Muchima: the
heart (Fig. 39)
Muchima is
another seed, which represents a heart. The heart is
like the rooster's heart Mr. Chipoya had to swallow
during his initiation which is also his ancestor's
heart. When divining, Mr. Chipoya sporadically made a
grave and deep sounds that seemed to originate from his
solar plexus. He explained that the sounds happen when
his hamba kayongo communicates with him through the
rooster's heart.
Chihungu:
insults and corn cob (Fig. 40)
Mr. Sasombo explained
chihungu as a piece from a corncob (without the
kernels) that means everyone in the family is against a
victim because he or she has insulted them. The
cavities on the corncob are equated with words said
(insults).
Spiral root and lies
(Fig. 41)
A small spiral root
was described by Mr. Sasombo as a kapele which
indicates that a client is keeping thoughts to him or
herself. This means the client is not telling everything
he or she knows about the case.
Gourd and pregnancy
A small fragment of a
gourd's outer shell is a kapele which, in
relation to jinga, indicates that a pregnancy
will result after proper treatment. Mr. Sasombo said
that the gourd is like a womb and therefore relates to
pregnancy.
Kakweji: the
moon (Fig. 42)
A semicircular
arch‑like seed was identified by Mr. Chipoya as
kakweji or the moon. He explained that although the
moon is "for God," witches hide behind it at night.(23)
Notes:
1. See Peek (1991),
Pemberton III, Ed. (2000), LaGamma (2000), Nooter
Roberts and Roberts (1996), and Jordan (2002) for
insight into a number of divination art forms used
throughout Africa.
2. See Turner (1975),
Rodrigues de Areia (1985), Martins (1993), Fontina
(1997), and Jordan (1996, 2000), for divination
practices among Chokwe and related groups.
3. The divination
process may suggest the prescription of medicines or
additional ritual processes such as kanenga (to release
influence of witchcraft) or mahamba (to redress an
ancestral affliction).
4. For additional
information on these diviners see Jordan (1996, 2000).
Sadly, Chipoya died in 1993, just month after my
departure from northwestern Zambia where I conducted
field research from 1991 to 1993. On a follow-up
research visit to the area in 1997 I had the opportunity
to see Sasombo, who is still actively working as a
diviner.
5. A version of this
article, focusing on divination materials was submitted
for the Museum for African Art's exhibition catalogue,
Material Differences: Art, Artists, and Identity,
forthcoming (2003).
6. The tortoise
shells were described by the diviner as having the
quality of ngombo in themselves. The diviner looks
inside the cavities of the shells whenever he needs to
focus or "zoom-in" to see the specifics of a case.
7. In some divination
baskets, the three figures are loosely attached to a
leather back to create a "family unit" that breaks apart
when the objects are tossed.
8. Some Chokwe
diviners identify this figure as a male ancestor. See
Rodrigues de Areia (1985).
9. The tree, termite
mound, and oldest house are considered thresholds for
ancestors and therefore auspicious locations for contact
with the spirit world.
10. More general
definitions provided by other diviners identify mbate as
representative of intercourse and problems associated
with infertility or impotence.
11. The jinga piece
that is worn as a pendant may be carved by the diviner
and given to a
client. Otherwise it may be commissioned from a carver
and then delivered to the patient by the diviner.
12. Vitumbo medicines
are in fact substances that are endowed with
supernatural powers and these may be used to heal or
harm according to who is using or manipulating them.
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