Cover photo: Pwo mask. Cokwe, early 20th century.  Wood, clay, fibers, pigment; 20cm (7.9").  Birmingham Museum of Art, Museum purchase, 1998.6.

1.   Pwo mask. Chokwe, early 20th century. Wood, fibers, metal, shell, pigment; 25.4cm (10"). The University of Iowa Museum of Art, Stanley Collection, 1986.545.

This mask exhibits Chokwe stylistic traits such as the half-closed, almond-shaped eyes within concave eye orbits, filed teeth, and C-shaped ears. Its fine coiffure is partially carved in wood as an extension of the mask. The metal tacks and shell are meant to beautify and honor the female ancestor represented.

2.   Pwo mask. Chokwe, late 19th/early 20th century, field collected by Frobenius. Wood, clay, fibers, metal, pigment, fur, snakeskin, and other materials; 21cm (8.3"). Collection of Mr. Helmut F Stern.

This elegant and expressive mask successfully blends stylized and natural­istic facial features. The forehead displays an unusual version of the chinge­lyengelye cross motif, a scarification design commonly interpreted in the literature as a version of the imported Portuguese Cross of the Order of Christ. Cross motifs have been found in rock engravings and paintings in Angolan archaeological sites.

3. Thirty Pwo masks on display at the Museu do Dundo. From Fontinha 1997:29, fig. 49.

Dundo is a town in northeastern Angola near the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Chokwe and other related peoples share similar mask making tra­ditions on both sides of the border.

4.   Pwo mask. Lwena or Luvale, early 20th century. Wood, fiber, pigment; 20.3cm (8"). Private U.S. collection.

Probably of Lwena manufacture, this mask combines Chokwe and Lwena stylistic tendencies. This style of Pwo, with its particular treatment of the hair, is favored in areas of western and northwestern Zambia, where the Lwena are known as Luvale.

5. Pwo mask. Lwena or Luvale, early 20th century. Wood, metal, string, pig­ment; 27.9cm (11"). The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, The John R. Van Derlip Fund, 89.15.

The tall, rounded coiffure with incised lines probably indicates the high sta­tus of the female ancestor represented. Pwo, or "woman," is a generic term for such masks, but specific masked ancestral spirits may be addressed using the actual name of the woman/ancestor meant to be honored by the community or by the family hosting an initiation camp.

6. Pwevo/Pwo mask. Luvale or Luchazi, mid-20th century. Wood, fibers, pigment; 20.3cm (87 Private U.S. collection.

In Zambia, where this mask was probably collected, the Luvale and Luchazi name for Pwo is Pwevo. Luvale and Luchazi mask-carving styles are close­ly related. In the case of masks such as this one, it is almost impossible to make a distinction.

7. Pwo mask. Lwena, early 20th century. Wood, feathers, fiber, metal, leather, pigment; 31.1cm (12.3'). Private European collection.

This example conforms to a defined Lwena style that is distinguished by gentle lines, a tendency toward naturalism, and a taste for round, full forms. In 1997 I showed a photo of this mask to various Zambian friends (Luvale, Lunda, and Chokwe), who said the mask represented a female chief. Its elaborate coiffure, feathered headdress, and overall elegance were key to this interpretation.

8. This illustration of an Angolan Pwo performer was published by Portuguese explorer Henrique Carvalho (1890:245). The mask is similar to exam­ples found among Lwena and Luchazi in Angola south and east of the town of Moxico in Angola and in areas of western and northwestern Zambia.

9. Pwevo/Pwo mask. Luchazi, early 20th century. Wood, fibers, pig­ment; 20.3cm (8'). Molly and Walter Bareiss Family Collection.

This mask, probably a Zambian or Angolan Luchazi example, resembles the one illustrated by Carvalho in its rounded facial contours and open eyes and mouth. Elements of a Chokwe Pwo carving style are still evident, but the treatment of forms reflects a different aesthetic. The style is less idiosyncratic but equally expressive and dramatic.

10. Pwevo/Pwo mask. Luchazi, mid-20th century. Wood, fibers, beads, pig­ment; 17cm (6.8"). Private European collection.

This well-documented mask was collected in a Luchazi village in north­western Zambia. When it was photographed in the field in 1971 (Kubik 1993), it wore a different coiffure and beaded hair decorations. Pwo/Pwevo hair and hair ornaments are often replaced. Wooden masks are well kept and sometimes inherited through generations.

11. A Luvale Mwana Pwevo ("young woman") mask performing during confirmatory ceremonies honoring Luvale Paramount Chief Ndungu. Zambia, 1997. Photo Manuel Jordan.

A fiber-and-resin mask representing a more immature young woman, Chiwigi, is visible at right. The masks share the positive influences of the ancestral spirits with the community and show contrasting or comparable social and moral values.

12. Pwo/Pwevo mask with partial costume, mid-20th century. Luchazi or Luvale. Wood, fibers, pigment. Private European collection.

Masks representing "old women" are mentioned in the literature pertaining to Chokwe and related peoples, but none were identified and illustrated as such until recently. Zambian field consultants identified this Luvale or Luchazi mask (retaining part of its original body covering) as an old woman, called Kashinakaji.

13. Pwo/Pwevo mask. Luvale, early 20th century. Wood, pigment; 21.6cm (8.5"). Private European collection.

This Zambian example has a rather stoic expression, elaborate scarification details, and consecutive arched elements above the forehead that resemble the crowns worn by male and female chiefs. This version of a mature and accomplished woman was created to honor a female chief or a woman in a royal lineage.

R  E  V  I  S  I  T  I  N  G

Pwo

MANUEL JORDáN

African Arts, Vol. 33, No. 4. (Winter, 2000), pp. 16-25; 92-93.

Chikufwinda tuhu mwosi nchawa.
"It is smoking but there is no firewood." 

Anthropologist Victor Turner documented this Lunda-Ndembu proverb in Zambia, and with the aid of an interpreter he provided the follow­ing explanation: "Often a lot of smoke comes from a kitchen, but on inspection there are no more than one or two pieces of firewood; one must not be deceived by imposing external appearances, for in reality there may be little substance behind them."1 

Since the 1930s the systematic documentation of various aspects of the life and culture of Chokwe, Lwena (Luvale), Lunda, and other related peoples of Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zambia has greatly increased, thanks to the efforts of scholars such as Hermann Baumann (1935), Jose Redinha (1965, 1974), Charles M. N. White (1961), Marie-Louise Bastin (1961, 1982), Victor Turner (1967), Gerhard Kubik (1971), and Manuel L. Rodrigues de Areia (1985).2 Recent fieldwork pursued by anthropologists and art historians including Filip de Boek (1991), Manuela Palmeirim (1994), Elisabeth Cameron (1995), Boris Wastiau (1997), Sonia Silva (1998), and this author (Jordan 1996) has added to the body of knowledge established in previous generations. All of us have benefited from the rich accounts pro­vided by explorers and ethnographers such as Hermenegildo Capelo and Robert Ivens (1881), Serpa Pinto (1881), Verney L. Cameron (1877), Henrique A. Dias de Carvalho (1890), Fonseca Cardoso (1919), Dugald Campbell (1922), and others who traversed the lands of these Central African peoples more than one hundred years ago.

 In all, there is a significant amount of ethnographic material and a number of excellent anthropological studies that range in focus from the economy of the region to its ritual practices and cos­mological views. However, in many ways the study of its arts is in its infancy. To return to the proverb at the beginning of this essay, in terms of Chokwe and related peoples, the only pieces of fire­wood in the art historical kitchen were placed there by one dedi­cated scholar, Marie-Louise Bastin, whose oeuvre remains the main source for any consideration of Chokwe art.3 Her postulated styles of Chokwe sculpture (Bastin 1976, 1982) and the sculpture of the Lwena, Songo, Ovimbundu, Ngangela, and others (Bastin 1971) have given us a solid basis for attributing to these peoples countless works of art in private and museum collections.4 Bastin's numerous scholarly contributions provide a core theoretical (art historical) model that invites further analysis. These arts are so diverse and complex that even some of the more well-known forms remain vastly understudied or misunderstood.5

To illustrate this point, this article will focus on Pwo ("woman"), a popular ancestral mask character, or akishi, for Chokwe, Lwena (known as Luvale in areas of western Zambia), Lunda, and their neighbors .6 Pwo is a familiar face in most museum and private collections (Fig. 1).

 Pwo, Dundo Style

 The most discernible elements of a Chokwe style of wooden mask carving have been well defined. Bastin describes their Pwo masks (Figs. 2, Cover):

In the wooden masks, the eyes are usually elliptical or almond- shaped and generally half-closed. The swollen eyelids are prolonged down to the center of the concave eye-sockets. Sometimes the eyes are globular and have horizontal slits. Occasionally the forehead has a carved head-band. The ears are nearly always curved or else semi-circular with the tragus shown. The traditional scarification are usually engraved, cut away, incrusted or carved in relief.

(Bastin 1982:90)

To this list of elements one may also add the sharply defined mouth, partially open, its protruding flattened lips framing filed triangular teeth.7 Bastin's close observation of numerous Pwo mask examples at the Museu do Dundo in Angola, as illustrated in her book Art decoratif tshokwe (1961), helped her reaffirm what she called Chokwe "traditional canons" that reflect the "collective concept of ancestral spirits" (Bastin 1982:90).8 The study of art styles found in a Portuguese-sponsored museum located in Chokwe territory9 brings forth several issues that are relevant to this contemplation of Pwo masks. 

One important Dundo museum photograph (Fig. 3) shows 30 Pwo masks displayed on glass shelves in the Sala da Crença Animista, or "Room of Animist Belief." They are part of a collection that in the 1950s included 110 wooden masks, including numerous Pwo examples, and 67 fiber-and-resin masks of various types (Porto 1999:104-5).10 The masks illustrated in this photograph confirm the general accuracy of Bastin's description of this style for the Chokwe: all of them share similarities in the stylization of the eyes, in the formal treatment of the mouth, nose, and ears, and, in most cases, in facial scarification details.11   

However, there are obvious differences in the conception of these masks. Some tend toward naturalism, while others exhib­it varying degrees of stylization, particularly in the eyes and mouth as well as in the overall contours of the face, which may be oval, angular, or elongated. Even if one allows for individual artistic creativity as an influence in this variation (Bastin 1982:90), the fact remains that not all the masks in the Dundo photograph are "purely" Chokwe. In fact, some are catalogued as Shinji (western neighbors of the Chokwe in northeastern Angola), and others are similar to masks documented among the Songo in central Angola, though they may not necessarily carry that attribution (Jordan et al. 1998: fig. 60).12 A couple of other masks in the photograph show Upper Zambezi stylistic tendencies: they suggest a transitional style between stereotypical Chokwe and Lwena /Luvale styles, an exchange of influences acknowledged by Jose Redinha (1965:36-37), who collected most of the Museu do Dundo's pieces (Fig. 4).

 Bastin explains that a Lwena style of carving (related to that of the Chokwe) is distinguished by the "gentleness of its lines," a tendency toward naturalism, and a taste for round and full forms (1969:49).13 Lwena Pwo masks sometimes incorporate tall, rounded coiffures (Figs. 5-7). Although not shown in the Dundo photograph, at least a couple of Pwo examples in the museum accurately fit the Lwena style description (Bastin 1961: figs. 261, 262). However, a large number of Dundo masks depart from an essentially Chokwe stylistic canon and inconclusively hint at other attributions.

 Most of the masks were originally collected under Redinha's direction, and others were acquired by Hermann Baumann; both men pursued independent collecting campaigns through parts of central, eastern, and northeastern Angola from the 1930s to the 1950s (Areia 1995:11-18).14 To some extent the stylistic variation evident in the photograph may be attributed to a combination of elements, but it most probably reflects a sampling of styles and substyles favored in different areas. Because Bastin gained access to the Dundo collection in the 1950s, when all these Pwo masks were in the context of a Chokwe stronghold, she never approached the pieces in their diversity but rather saw them through the eyes of local Chokwe informants. As familiar as these masks may seem, we still do not have a grasp on the stylistic complexities of the region, a problem compounded by the lack of documentation for these and many other collected masks.15

 Carvalho's early (1890) illustration of a Chokwe mask performer (Fig. 8) is relevant to this argument. The performer wears a face mask (identified as Pwo in Bastin 1982:90) that does not clearly fit within the described canons of a Chokwe style. Its subtly conceived anthropomorphic face has open, round eyes and mouth16 and is devoid of scarification details.17 This mask actually has more in common with Lwena/Luvale and Luchazi examples documented in eastern Angola and western and northwestern Zambia (Fig. 9; see also Jordan et al. 1998: figs. 64, 66, 67; Felix & Jordan 1998) than it does with most of the masks collected for the Dundo museum and attributed to the Chokwe.18

 Carvalho's illustration supports the idea that in the late nineteenth century at least two clearly discernible stylistic approaches or trends in the manufacture of Pwo masks were established in Angola. In addition to the more elaborate tendency that remains close to Bastin's definition of a Chokwe style, as seen in the most of the masks in the Dundo collection, there was a more minimalistic but equally refined and expressive style.19 The latter is depicted in Carvalho's illustration and found in numerous Pwo examples collected in eastern and southeastern Angola, as well as in western and northwestern Zambia. Efforts to distinguish Congolese (D.R.C.), Angolan, and Zambian Pwo styles are beside the point. People, like good ideas, cross all boundaries, and similar Pwo styles are commonly found on both sides of the political borders of this region.20

 A generalization that may have some validity supports two major (northern and southern) stylistic zones. One lies north and northeast of Muzamba, the Chokwe "country of origin" in north­eastern Angola (Bastin 1982:246), where Chokwe and their Minungu, Songo, and Shinji neighbors continue to create versions of Pwo that depart from a Chokwe stylistic canon (Felix 1997:105-11). The second is south and east/southeast of Moxico (in central-eastern Angola), where the Lwena/Luvale and Luchazi probably sowed their own stylistic seeds that may have developed separately or in combination with the often distinct and subtle southern styles of the southern Lunda, Mbunda, Mbwela, and Ngangela (Fig. 10; Felix and Jordan 1998; Kubik 1993:25, 98-99).  Within these predominant northern and southern styles, specific group attributions are often possible, but without concrete field documentation such an exercise would remain highly speculative. 

Considerable ethnic integration (marriages, alliances, clans, shared territories, shared initiation camps) occurs in all these neighboring areas, and commissioning masks from one carver in one or another style is not uncommon (Felix and Jordan 1998). In the case of the Dundo museum collection, it is also significant that the Pwo masks were available to performers who wore them in dances held in the context of a Dundo "cultural village," where Portuguese and other European visitors constituted the main audience (see Areia 1995; Porto 1999). Most important, a number of carvers in museum-sponsored "crafts" workshops created wooden sculptures, including various versions of Pwo masks, "inspired" by pieces in the Dundo collection that had been collected in widely dispersed regions of Angola (Areia 1995:174-75).21 In that context, the institution became a new source for the imitation of stylistic canons, a development that must have affected the natural flow of ideas; masks created in and around the town may reflect styles more common in other areas of Angola. In many ways the Museu do Dundo was a supermarket of regional art forms divorced from most of their original cultural framework.

 Ironically, the most common form of Pwo mask among Chokwe and related peoples is a nonwooden version made from pitch or tar over a framework of bent branches to which facial details are applied in bands of white and red cloth or paper.  Until recently (Jordan 1993; Felix & Jordan 1998) it was not given proper attention. Bastin did not have access to such types, probably because the collectors for the Dundo museum were not interested in masks made from ephemeral materials. That led her to note that "very few Pwo masks in resin are known," although she provided an accurate description of the type: "...the features are standardized but less pronounced. A sort of rectangular domino in red cloth normally covers the eyes and nose. The mouth is small" (1982:90). That description generally applies to such masks representing male and female characters. Even today they far outnumber similar characters in wood.22

 The failure to recognize the complexities of Chokwe and related art styles has in my opinion resulted in shortcomings in the established canon. These are easily matched by those in the documented descriptions of the context for akishi masquerades and their attributed meaning or meanings.

 Understanding Pwo

 The importance or sociocultural relevance of Chokwe and relat­ed masquerades has consistently been dismissed by scholars, who usually treat the subject as peripheral to what they deem to be more important ritual processes or symbolic structures.23 C. M. N. White (1948:13) most clearly expresses his lack of interest in what he seems to see as evidence of the "degeneration" of the culture of a distant past.24 White comments on Lunda and Luvale masquerades in Zambia: 

The circumcision ceremonies of the Lunda and Luvale tribes are characterized by the makishi dancers—mask dancers who vary from tribe to tribe. It is impossible to describe them in any detail here, and it must suffice to say that they usually wear fiber costumes covering the whole body and have distinctive headdresses, often very elaborate. To some extent they have today degenerated to become itinerant clowns and lost their original status, and this particularly refers to the mwana-pwevo.25 

Recent fieldwork focusing on the role of masquerades in Zambia (Cameron 1995; Jordan 1993, 1996) provides an alternative view, documenting how akishi (makishi in Zambia) masquerades represent aspects of the shared cosmologies of Chokwe, Lunda, Lwena/Luvale, and related peoples. Within a large repertoire of mask character types, Pwo (Pwevo in Zambia)—the "woman" or female ancestor—and Mwana Pwo (Mwana Pwevo in Zambia; Fig. 11)—"the young woman"—actually perform a crucial role in transmitting culturally relevant information, mainly in the context of the mukanda male initiation.26 The "woman" and "young woman" masks represent ideal and comparable models for a "fulfilled" versus a "potential" woman (Cameron 1998a, 1998b; Jordan 1998).  Such associative elements are further developed by these peoples' creation of other female mask types, including an "immature woman," a mother, an old woman (Fig. 12), and a female chief (Jordan 1998; Felix & Jordan 1998).

 The identification of some masks as representing female chiefs (or female ancestors perceived as bearers of royal lineages) is based on the recent field documentation of one Chokwe fiber­and-resin mask representing Lweji, the first Lunda female chief (Jordan 1993:50, 2000:90), together with the field identification (based on photographs of specific masks) of various Pwo-related masks with exceptionally elaborate coiffures (Figs. 7,13). Some of the hairstyles include consecutive arched diadems that resemble the crowns worn by male and female chiefs in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zambia (Jordan et al. 1998: fig. 65; Felix & Jordan 1998:176-77, 180-81).27

 Akishi masquerades, like many other art forms created by the peoples concerned here, evoke cosmological precepts and serve to present and represent principles of social and political organization, history, philosophy, religion, and morality (Jordan 1998:67). These principles are shared but also distinct in that they may respond to local interpretations of broader regional or overarching cultural models. Further studies of regional art styles and types will probably better reflect these peoples' sociocultural and political complexities, because intended modes of representation give shape to defined (shared or distinct) values or norms.

 This article is a brief initial reflection on the established body of knowledge regarding the arts of Chokwe and related peoples. Strong field documentation will be crucial in corroborating or reconsidering theories. By revisiting Pwo, a familiar and celebrated mask, I have been able to outline issues that I will continue to address in future publications.

 Notes:

 1. Victor Turner, undated and unpublished manuscript, the University of Zambia.

 2. Research by historians such as Joseph Miller (1969), archae­ologists including Carlos Everdosa (1980), and others has also contributed to the body of documentation relevant to the peoples discussed here.

 3. Although Jose Redinha in particular (1965, 1974) made major contributions to art history in the region, he focused mainly on collecting and cataloguing pieces, and to some extent describing them. Bastin was concerned with analyzing art styles and types, and identifying specific symbols that she interpreted with the aid of assistants.

 4. Besides generally addressing style distinctions among these peoples, Bastin (1982:246-87) discusses a "style of the country of origin" and an "expansion style" meant to distinguish nineteenth-century court art styles, mainly in figurative sculpture.

 5. If one were to survey a number of museum and private col­lections, and published exhibition catalogues, it would appear that Chokwe and related peoples created only a handful of mask types. In fact they have a large repertoire of ancestral mask characters, most of which remain under documented. This situation is due in part to collectors' taste for wooden (vs. fiber and resin) examples. Wood is used in a selected number of character types including Pwo, Chihongo (male chiefly ancestor), and a few animals. Similarly, nineteenth-century royal figures have been the subject of several articles, although there is little or no documentation to explain their actual context and use. The more schematized hamba ancestral figures, another example, remain grossly understudied.

 6. Some Lunda call the female character Mubanda, which also means "woman." Other names are also used.

 7. The teeth recall the practice of teeth filing that was favored by the Chokwe.

 8. Throughout her career, which spanned more than forty years, Mme. Bastin visited and studied a great number of museum collections, and almost everything Chokwe-related was in one way or another brought to her attention. I focus on her Dundo study here because it solidified the definitions of Pwo styles and meanings that still shape our approach to such masks.

 9. For an excellent study of the Dundo museum Portuguese colonial campaign in Angola, see Porto (1999). Dundo was established by the former Portuguese Companhia de Diamantes de Angola (Portuguese Diamond Company of Angola).

 10. The sixty-seven fiber and resin masks apparently did not include any versions of Pwo made in those materials.

 11. This defined style is applicable to other Chokwe anthro­pomorphic wooden masks such as Chihongo, the male coun­terpart of Pwo.

 12. It is impossible to ascertain whether the Songo-collected example is actually Songo. It may very well have been carved by a Chokwe artist and bought by a Songo client. The oppo­site alternative is also possible, because masks in the same style have been documented among the Chokwe as well as the Songo.

 13. Here Bastin applies an earlier definition of a Lunda style of carving (which she considers nonexistent) to the Lwena.

 14. Baumann collected a number of pieces that he meant to take to Germany, but because of exportation restrictions they were left at the Dundo museum. He had earlier collected other excellent pieces that are now in Berlin.

 15. A zoomorphic wooden sculpture (in my opinion a mask made to be placed atop the head as opposed to the face), excavated in central Angola and (carbon-14) dated to over 1,000 years ago, indicates an artistic tradition that predates the presence of Chokwe-related peoples in the same locale. The fact that zoomorphic masks, documented in the region since the nineteenth century, exhibit similar stylistic traits suggests a continuity that can be traced to an ancient, local model. That Chokwe became the dominant art emissaries does not mean they were the originators of particular art forms, types, and styles. 

16. It may be argued that the image represents the illustra­tor's general or interpreted version of what the mask or mask performer actually looked like. However, given the large number of illustrations published by Carvalho, and the degree of detail in all the objects and scenes illustrated, I believe that the illustration is probably accurate.

 17. Not all masks show scarification details. None or few scarifications often indicate that the character portrayed is a young person—in this case a young woman, or Mwana Pwo.

 18. I base this observation on numerous examples I have seen in field performances in Zambia as well as on my study of over two hundred masks (several well documented, in private and museum collections) that are from the men­tioned regions and display similar stylistic traits (Felix & Jordan 1998).

 19. This. point is significant because it refutes the idea that more subtle styles are decadent or artistically less accom­plished versions of an older "classic" canon.

 20. It certainly is important to document Chokwe styles in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as they may relate to those of neighbors such as the Mbangani, Luluwa, Pende, and others.  

21. A selection of these pieces, made by master carvers for export, is now housed at the Coimbra University in Portugal.

22. Wooden masks are commissioned from professional carvers at great cost. The fiber and resin, or soft, versions of masks may be constructed by any person who learns the skills in an initiation camp. They are therefore more common because they are relatively inexpensive, yet equally function­al as forms that relate to ancestral representation.

 23. In fact masquerades bring forth similarly important cosmological principles.

 24. I do not mean to detract from White's immense contribu­tions to the study of these related peoples in Zambia. The fact remains, however, that he, like other scholars, did not carefully consider the role of masks in the context of mukanda initiations.

 25. The word "clown" or "clowns" relates to aspects of akishi/makishi performances that are highly entertaining. Nevertheless the performances are very complex, and the demeanor of these characters changes according to specific ritual requirements.

 26. These masks also perform during political rallies, chiefs' investitures or confirmatory ceremonies, and on other occasions.

 27. The Lwena/Luvale and Lunda (in Zambia) in particular have had very prominent female chiefs. Some, like Southern Lunda female chief Nyakulenga in northwestern Zambia, continue to rule today with political powers that are equal to those of other male chiefs.

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Cameron, Elisabeth L. 1998a. "Potential and Fulfilled Woman: Initiations, Sculpture, and Masquerades in Kabompo District, Zambia," in Chokwe! Art and Initiation among Chokwe and Related Peoples, ed. Manuel Jordan, pp. 77-83. Munich: Prestel Publications for the Birmingham Museum of Art.

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